How Museveni Has Manipulated Parliament to Stay in Power for 40 Years

Resistance Mounts Amid a Wary Public Despite Museveni's decades of control, the growing boldness of the opposition and a digitally aware youth population signal increasing resistance. From protest songs to legal action, civil society is pushing back. Analysts warn that Museveni may finally face a wall he cannot buy his way through—a Parliament emboldened by the judiciary January 31, 2025 Supreme Court ruling nullifying the court martial and public accountability demanded by citizens tired of state capture, are cornerstones in the resistance against Museveni.

How Museveni has dealt with Parliament since 2005

Uganda Today Edition:  How Museveni Has Manipulated Parliament to Stay in Power for 40 Years

 Uganda Today Investigations Desk

Since January 26, 1986, President Yoweri Museveni has ruled Uganda with a grip that has grown ever tighter—thanks not only to military might and political maneuvering but also, critically, to the manipulation of Parliament. A review of legislative bribes spanning two decades paints a chilling portrait of how financial inducements—disguised as constituency support or facilitation—have helped Museveni systematically dismantle constitutional safeguards that twice threatened to end his reign.

The revelation this week, confirmed by Leader of Opposition Joel Ssenyonyi, that Shs100 million has been stealthily disbursed to MPs is only the latest in a long chain of what critics call institutionalized bribery—a tactic designed to weaken the Legislature’s oversight role, dance to the president’s whims and fortify Museveni’s grip on power.

A Timeline of Political Payoffs: Bribes That Changed Uganda’s Destiny

The attached infographic maps the consistent pattern of inducements given to Parliament at critical junctures when the Constitution or national policy was at stake:

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How Museveni has dealt with Parliament since 2005

🔴 2005 — Shs5m to Remove Term Limits

Parliamentarians were each given Shs5 million to lift the constitutional two-term limit, paving the way for Museveni to run again in 2006. This marked the first major structural change to Uganda’s governance architecture—bought and paid for with taxpayers’ money.

🟠 2011 — Shs20m for “Prosperity for All”

In what was marketed as a constituency facilitation fund, MPs received Shs20 million just two months before elections. Opposition MPs rejected the money, claiming it was an unethical handout meant to mute criticism during Museveni’s campaign for re-election.

🟡 2017 — Shs29m for Age Limit Removal

Shs29 million was wired to each MP under the guise of constituency consultation. The goal: to remove Article 102(b) of the Constitution, which had barred anyone above 75 from running for president. With Museveni aged 73 at the time, the amendment ensured he could seek re-election in 2021.

🟢 2022 — Shs40m to Pass Shs77b State House Supplement

June 2022 saw MPs quietly pocket Shs40 million before a supplementary budget was passed. This budget included Shs77 billion allocated to State House, and critics argue it was a payout for loyalty.

🔵 2023 — Shs100m for Shs5.2 Trillion Supplement

As public debt ballooned, Parliament passed a Shs5.2 trillion supplementary budget. Each MP reportedly received Shs100 million. Speaker Anita Among dismissed concerns, calling them smear campaigns.

🟣 2025 — Shs100m to Pave Way for Court Martial Amendments

According to Joel Ssenyonyi, this latest cash-out—again Shs100 million per MP—is not only a “thank you” for passing the controversial Coffee Bill but also a strategic move to gain support for an upcoming amendment to the UPDF Act. The amendment aims to cement the trial of civilians in military courts, defying a Supreme Court ruling that declared such trials unconstitutional.

“Our country needs a reboot,” said Ssenyonyi. “This is not democracy; it’s dictatorship disguised in legislative robes.”


The Bigger Plan: Museveni’s Dynasty and the End of Universal Suffrage

President Museveni’s latest gambit appears to be preparation for dynastic succession. According to sources within Parliament and security circles, there is a clandestine plan to abolish presidential elections by universal suffrage, replacing them with a parliamentary vote for the president. This move would make it easier to install his son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, as successor without facing a national vote.

Political analysts warn that such a change would end meaningful electoral participation in Uganda and cement family rule under a parliamentary veil. Opposition MPs argue that Museveni, having long eroded term and age limits, now wants to remove people power entirely.


International Voices Join the Chorus of Concern

Scottish House of Lords member Lord David Alton, a long-time human rights campaigner, once said:

“The problem of Uganda is Museveni.”

His statement, made during a UK parliamentary session, resonates louder today as Ugandans question how much longer they will endure bribe-fueled constitutional manipulations.


Resistance Mounts Amid a Wary Public

Despite Museveni’s decades of control, the growing boldness of the opposition and a digitally aware youth population signal increasing resistance. From protest songs to legal action, civil society is pushing back. Analysts warn that Museveni may finally face a wall he cannot buy his way through—a Parliament emboldened by the judiciary January 31, 2025 Supreme Court ruling nullifying the court martial and public accountability demanded by citizens tired of state capture, are cornerstones in the resistance against Museveni.


Conclusion: A System Built on Silence and Shillings

Museveni’s four-decade reign has depended less on ballots and more on bills—of currency. Parliament, intended as a pillar of checks and balances, has become a banking hall of patronage. The recent Shs100 million disbursement is not just a scandal; it is a symptom of a deeper constitutional rot.

Whether the people will allow the final blow to their democracy—the end of universal suffrage—remains to be seen. But one thing is certain: the same old story is wearing thin.

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Chris Kato

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